Forgotten Kuki-Zo IDPs in Manipur

While both Meitei and Kuki-Zo have suffered immensely, the focus here is on the Kuki-Zo internally displaced persons, whose daily struggles in relief camps have been overshadowed by the political posturing of organisations like the Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF) and the Committee on Tribal Unity (CoTU).

Dozens of ITLF supporters held a sit-in protest on Monday at T. Munjang village in Churachandpur district, ostensibly over an alleged “breach of buffer zones.” Yet this choice of location unwittingly exposes the hollowness of the organisers’ claims.

If Meiteis were truly intruding into Kuki-Zo territory, logic dictates that the protest should have been staged at the actual site of the supposed encroachment—Torbung, a predominantly Meitei village located in Bishnupur district.

The fact that ITLF chose a safe venue deep within Churachandpur, far from Torbung, lays bare the contradiction: they dare not confront the issue on the ground they label as “encroached Kuki land.” This selective staging reveals how such demonstrations are less about defending territory and more about manufacturing propaganda, perpetuating false narratives of Meitei aggression while avoiding areas where their claims could be directly challenged.

Leaders like those in the ITLF and COTU have been vocal representatives of Kuki-Zo grievances, advocating for political solutions such as separate administration. Yet, a growing concern is whether these organisations truly amplify the diverse voices of the internally displaced persons they claim to speak for, or if, inadvertently or otherwise, they sometimes overshadow them.

This latest demonstration by the ITLF, coming just days before Christmas 2025, exemplifies a troubling pattern in Manipur’s ongoing ethnic crisis. While the protest focused on accusations of Meitei “breaches” into so-called buffer zones and renewed calls for a separate administration, there was no mention of the thousands of Kuki-Zo internally displaced persons languishing in relief camps across hill districts.

Kuki-Zo IDPs in districts like Churachandpur and Kangpokpi face challenges accessing major hospitals in Imphal, often rerouting through other states. Similarly, Meitei IDPs in Imphal-area camps express desperation for safe return to their homes in hill areas. Both groups share a common plea: dignity, security, and a path home.

It is time for ITLF, CoTU, and other representative bodies to prioritise unfiltered platforms for IDPs to express their individual aspirations. Rather than framing all narratives through the lens of separation or confrontation, allow the displaced to articulate what peace means to them—be it reconciliation, resettlement with guarantees, or other solutions.

Suppressing or homogenising these voices, even unintentionally, risks prolonging the cycle of mistrust. Protests and rallies organised by community groups are legitimate expressions of collective pain, but they should not come at the expense of direct IDP-led forums where personal stories can challenge entrenched positions.

Accusations of using IDPs as “tools” for mobilisation cut both ways in this polarised conflict, evidence suggests limited visible IDP-centric campaigns over the past 2.7 years, dominated instead by broader political demands. This gap highlights the need for inclusive meetings solely for the displaced, free from organisational agendas, where they can address the world—and each other—directly.

Over 30 months since the violence erupted on May 3, 2023, organisations like the ITLF have consistently prioritised separatist demands and confrontational actions over tangible support for the displaced families they claim to represent.The conflict has displaced more than 70,000 people, with around 40,000-50,000 Kuki-Zo IDPs enduring overcrowded, inhumane conditions in camps in districts like Churachandpur, Kangpokpi, and Tengnoupal.

Reports from PIL filed by IDPs describe persistent issues: inadequate sanitation, nutrition shortages, disease outbreaks, and limited healthcare access, forcing many to travel through other states for treatment. In Kangpokpi alone, a separate IDP welfare committee—not affiliated with ITLF, Kuki-Zo Council or CoTU—issued an ultimatum in December 2025 demanding higher daily allowances and basic amenities, highlighting the grassroots frustration with neglect.

Yet, the ITLF’s public actions rarely address these daily hardships. Instead, as seen in the T. Munjang sit-in and similar protests in Torbung, the focus remains on defending “buffer zones”—areas the Manipur government and police have repeatedly stated do not officially exist. These de facto zones, enforced on the ground and often asserted unilaterally by Kuki-Zo groups, have been criticised for hindering resettlement, free movement, and rehabilitation efforts.

Government initiatives in December 2025 to form committees for phased IDP returns and direct financial aid have faced opposition from bodies like ITLF, which label such moves “provocative” in sensitive areas.This stance risks prolonging the suffering of IDPs.

Many Kuki-Zo families, displaced from valley homes, express desperation for safe return or proper rehabilitation, but political preconditions tied to separation delay progress.

Humanitarian aid in hill camps has largely come from NGOs, churches, and district administrations—distributing winter kits or essentials—rather than sustained campaigns by ITLF.

Over the years, ITLF has organised rallies, shutdowns, and blockades demanding a Union Territory, opposed ADC elections, and condemned resettlement, but visible IDP-specific drives—health camps, vocational training, or direct forums for camp residents—are notably absent.

Critics argue this approach exploits IDP pain to sustain a narrative of victimhood and division, blaming Meiteis while creating and enforcing illegal buffer zones that fragment the state.

Meitei IDPs face parallel challenges in valley camps. But community organisations bear responsibility for amplifying voices beyond proxies.Manipur’s displaced, both Meitei and Kuki groups deserve leaders who prioritise their immediate needs: improved camp facilities, mental health support, education for children, and secure livelihoods.

True representation means organising IDP-led platforms where residents speak freely about reconciliation, resettlement with guarantees, or other paths forward—not filtering suffering through endless protests for separation.

The world has heard the demands of the ITLF and CoTU for a separate administration—loud, clear, and repeated relentlessly through rallies, shutdowns, and protests. Now it is time to let the internally displaced persons themselves be heard. Shift the considerable energy and resources poured into sit-ins towards meaningful campaigns that directly ease the silent, daily endurance of thousands suffering in overcrowded hill relief camps—campaigns for better shelter, healthcare, nutrition, education for children, and genuine rehabilitation pathways.

Blaming the Meitei community and stubbornly maintaining these illegal, self-imposed divisions may rally short-term support and harden positions, but it ultimately traps thousands of your own people—Kuki-Zo IDPs—in prolonged limbo within overcrowded relief camps. True peace demands placing human suffering at the forefront: addressing the immediate, grinding hardships of the displaced rather than exploiting their plight as political leverage to sustain separatist demands.

As 2025 ends, with over 300 lives lost and families still fractured, all sides—ITLF, Kuki-Zo Council and CoTU must introspect. Empower the displaced to lead their narrative. Only then can Manipur heal from division toward dignity for all.

Signpost Editorial

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